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Trouble in Algeria: The president and the police. Març del 2010. |
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A mysterious murder exposes a rift within the
country’s ruling circle.
LATE last month Chouaib Oultache walked into
Algeria’s police headquarters with a score to settle.
What happened next is not entirely clear, but official
reports say Mr Oultache pumped three bullets into
the head of Ali Tounsi, the country’s powerful police
chief, before being shot and wounded himself.
A few years ago, Mr Tounsi had hired Mr Oultache, a
retired air force colonel and a close friend, to head
the police helicopter unit. By the official account, Mr
Oultache went crazy after reading in the newspapers
that he was being investigated for corruption. He
may have suspected a betrayal by his old friend.
But many Algerians link the murder to a bigger
drama, the increasingly bitter feud that pits
President Abdelaziz Bouteflika and his entourage
against the military junta that has ruled the country
behind the scenes for the past two decades.
In recent years many of the generals, collectively
dubbed Le Pouvoir (The Power), have died or
retired. A kingpin of that era, General Larbi
Belkheir, died in January after a long illness that left
a vacuum which Mr Bouteflika filled to puff up his
own power. He put loyalists in key posts, notably at
Sonatrach, the state oil monopoly that provides 98%
of Algeria’s hard-currency earnings. Buoyed by
record oil income in 2008, Mr Bouteflika boosted
infrastructure spending, reversed tentative steps to
free the economy and secured constitutional
amendments that, in effect, granted him the
presidency for life.
Last year Mr Bouteflika restricted imports, hurting
some well-connected businessmen. Foreign investors
began to be scolded for not reinvesting more of their
profits. Some, such as Egypt’s Orascom Telecom,
which owns the profitable mobile-telephone network,
Djezzy, received presidential signals that they should
sell up and decamp.
Now, Le Pouvoir may be fighting back against Mr
Bouteflika. In January the main intelligence agency,
headed by the strongest of the remaining old guard
of generals, Muhammad Tewfik Mediène, opened
investigations into corruption at Sonatrach. The
agency put the company’s boss, a Bouteflika ally,
and other top directors under arrest or on probation
on suspicion of doing too well out of procurement.
The accusations were similar to those against Mr
Oultache. At least one senior minister close to Mr
Bouteflika is said to be under threat too. Tension
between the presidency and those in the camp close
to the intelligence service is said to be high.
On both sides of the rivalry stand the “mujahideen”,
the term for men from the generation that fought in
Algeria’s war of independence against France. For
months Mr Tounsi, a member of the intelligence
service’s coterie, who tripled the ranks of the police
during 15 years at its head, had been waging an
increasingly public dispute with the interior minister,
Yazid Zerhouni, a Bouteflika loyalist. Rumours
suggested that Mr Tounsi would be forced out. But
before his assassination he had fought back, recently
telling journalists, “A mujahid never resigns.”
Perhaps that is Algeria’s real problem.
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The Economist, England. |
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The Economist, England. March 4th 2009. |
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